The purpose of this section is to revisit the conceptual paradigm existing within the present scope of sociological and educational theory, relating this with the requirements of a theory on human reality, a meta-theory for human sciences. The epistemic contrast between scientific belief and dogmatic belief is acknowledged, before touching upon compatibilities and incompatibilities within the concepts of human reality as received from existing sociological and educational theories.
3.1.2. Social and Behavioural Philosophy Revisited
Ontological and epistemic considerations on human universals are, by no means, alien to the thinking of educational philosophers, and are certainly appreciated, in principle, by the majority of educationalists. Indeed, these questions have given rise to numerous works in the field of educational philosophy. Today, perhaps, the number of such contributions is even increasing, producing scholarly accounts that excel in the knowledge of philosophy and clarity of argument. However, while such accounts do address the problematique of logic and critical thinking, of epistemology and education, of the philosophy of social science and educational research, they are yet unable (or reluctant) to address the issue of educational universals from a goal-oriented point of view -- i.e. in a manner that would promote the emergence of such universals as generally accepted postulates at the core of science, particularly as regards our perspective on human reality.
Everyone entertains some view of human reality, whether explicitly or implicitly, whether consciously or unconsciously, whether articulate or intuitive -- and this applies also to educationalists and their work. Indeed, it is particularly true of the field of education, as G. K. Chesterton (1950) puts it:
"Every education teaches a philosophy; if not by dogma then by suggestion, by implication, by atmosphere. Every part of that education has a connection with every other part. If it does not all combine to convey some general view of life, it's not education at all."
The existence of such background philosophies behind various modes of thought in social and behavioural science is both recognized and discussed by various scholars of the field (e.g.: Sloan 1997). Accounts of the variety of world-views represented in the spectrum of philosophical history are plenteous. For instance, Cooney et al. (1993) make a good job in citing "the greatest educational theorists from across the centuries and around the world".
However, these historical philosophical views, particularly those concerning the reality and evolution of human society, are so varied that they appear almost incompatible. This is apparent in the history of general philosophy and the philosophy of science. Aristotle, for instance, was a champion of the civic society: he regarded politics as the completion and almost a verification of ethics; he considered humans as naturally social beings whose possession of rational speech (logos) in itself leads to social union; he saw the state as a development from the family through the village community, an offshoot of the family. Thomas Hobbes, on the other hand, advanced the idea of instrumental individualism: a mechanistic view of life being simply the motions of the organism and man being by nature a selfishly individualistic animal necessarily in perpetual war with all other men. In the same vein, albeit more moderately and systematically, Adam Smith described an individualistic nature for society as a system: he outlined the public benefits resulting from self-interested behaviour of individuals who realize the selfish benefit of being useful in the society. Later, Karl Marx delved into the complexities of conflict theory: the history of society was seen solely as the history of class struggle, leading eventually to a classless society after the final struggle between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat. Émile Durkheim, on his part, moved on to a consensus theory: while maintaining a serious scientific critique of religion, he proposed that almost all great social institutions were born of religion and that the idea of society is in the core of religion. (See: Campbell 1981.)
The plethora of views, while seemingly overwhelming at first, does appear to represent a pattern of philosophical evolution. Therefore, as a backdrop for our attempt, it is necessary to examine briefly the evolution of philosophical conceptions of human reality -- in the field of social science, in general, and of behavioural and educational science, in particular.
Thus, we shall start with a brief account of sociology -- the father of human sciences (see: Merton 1949; Nisbet 1966; Sorokin 1928; see also: Abraham 1973; Goldthorpe 1974; G. D. Mitchell 1968). Although not emerging as an independent discipline until relatively recently, sociology has its roots deep in the history of Western thinkers, the thoughts and works of those political theorists and philosophers who treated the issues of society and politics in a broad philosophical context without actually being sociologists (e.g. Plato, Machiavelli, Hobbes, Locke, Rousseau). Gradually, however, the sociological undertones of this process emerged. Some scholars (e.g. Adam Smith) explored the economic causes of social organization and change, while others (e.g. Adam Ferguson) delved into non-economic causes of social cohesion. It was, however, only in the nineteenth century that "society", as a concept, ceased to be a synonym for "state". It was then that sociology began to emerge as an independent field of study. Auguste Comte, who actually coined the word "sociology", analysed aspects of cultural, political, and economic life, seeking to identify the unifying principles behind social reality and evolution. Later Karl Marx emphasized the notion of class struggle in the evolution of society and theorized on the economic and material basis of social organization. Further on, Herbert Spencer applied the Darwinian principles of evolution to the development of human society. Perhaps it is Émile Durkheim and Max Weber who can be considered the 'founding fathers' of modern sociology. Durkheim was a pioneer in the field of empirical and statistical study of society, while Weber was a theorist whose generalizations on social evolution and organization, belief systems and religion, social coherence and action are still influential. During the twentieth century, sociological theory has evolved in three major directions: conflict theory (e.g. Ralf Dahrendorf and C. Wright Mills), structural-functional theory (e.g. Talcott Parsons and Robert Merton), and symbolic interaction theory (e.g. George H. Mead and Herbert Blumer).
It was in the context of sociological thought that behavioural and educational philosophy found a fertile ground to grow. Many of these sprout from a Hegelian background. Georg Wilhelm Hegel (e.g.: 1953 [circa 1820]; 1967 [1821]; 1977a [1802]; 1977b [1807]), with his teleological view of history, certainly believed in the universality of ethical principles and the power of education to produce a just society and morally upright citizens. The influential figures, referred to in Section 1.4., who effected serious changes in the annals of their nations and peoples, drew inspiration from a Hegelian philosophy. For instance, many philosophers and educational reformers in nineteenth century Finland, such as Johan V. Snellman (1806-1881), belong to this tradition (see: Päivänsalo 1971). Thus, there is tradition of educational philosophy that both emphasizes universals of education and points out its role as an agent of change. In many countries, the present paradigm of education (both as a field of science and as socio-political practice) is largely based on the results of the influence exercised by this tradition.
Despite the universalist and proactive nature of the nineteenth century educational reforms, it needs to be pointed out that they all had a strongly nationalistic undertone and can therefore be viewed as a response to the newly arisen patriotic sentiments of that era. It was the consolidation of national identity and the harnessing of educational means to its service that, in many countries, was conducive to the emergence of literacy and general learning among the masses of the populace. Within a relatively brief period of time (virtually overnight, in the historical scale of things), these new educational systems grew into firmly established institutions of society and their dynamic and goal-oriented character began to mellow down into the routines of socio-political practice. Due to rapid changes in the world paradigm, by mid twentieth century, these educational systems could no longer be reasonably ascribed as progressive: in the face of the accelerating global interdependence and growing international and intercultural influence from outside, these nationalized systems of education began to show signs of aging and and inability to cope with these increasing challenges. They became entangled with an ongoing process of being amended and reformed, rapidly and incoherently, on the basis of reactionary considerations and ad hoc solutions. This process still goes on.
As a result of this process of reactive reform, the original justification and rationale of the universalist and proactive tradition harnessed back in the nineteenth century seem, now, to have expired. The rhetoric of that tradition are no longer kept aloft, nor is its idealism, after so much doctoring and patching, any longer really recognizable in the present practice of education. As pointed out in Section 2.3.5., this is not due to the impracticability of those ideals -- indeed, they were achieved and the society did change in their direction; it is rather due to the fact that these ideals have simply grown insufficient as humanity's experience has expanded and embraces now an additional global dimension.
In any case, few attempts to such universalism and proactiveness have been made after the lapse of the nineteenth century collective idealism. Those attempts that have been made have failed to produce a collective resonance and a general response on the part of the majority of the scholars. It must, moreover, be remembered that it is not only the development of the field of education that can be described in the aforementioned manner. Indeed, social fabric as a whole has undergone such a transformation. This is reflected in the entire breadth of social and behavioural philosophy and is seen in their present atomistic assortment.
Today, schools of philosophical thought represent a spectrum of very different, often conflicting, world-views and perspectives on human reality. These schools of thought are rooted in the various traditions of the twentieth century. The behaviourism of Skinner (e.g.: 1953) and Pavlov (e.g.: 1927), the needs hierarchy of Maslow (e.g.: 1954; 1968), the pragmatism and learner-centred approach of Dewey (e.g.: 1916; 1920; 1963 [1938]), and the social constructivism of Vygotsky (e.g.: 1962; 1978) as well as cognitive constructivism of Piaget (e.g.: 1970a; 1970b; 1975) come readily to mind. While many of these may seem far apart, they have some logical connection that can be traced along their chronological time-line -- a process of philosophical evolution, if you like. How do these varied approaches represent "a process of philosophical evolution"? Here is my interpretation of the story.
We start by positivism -- the scientific approach demanding that any view that is adopted must be based on 'positive knowledge', on empirically verifiable facts. Thus, positivism regards metaphysical questions as unanswerable and, therefore, irrelevant. Whilst Francis Bacon, George Berkeley, and David Hume implicitly advanced the tenets of positivism, it was Auguste Comte who developed the coherent doctrine. Logical positivism, which began in the early twentieth century, is often considered a direct outgrowth of nineteenth century positivism, attempting to apply the precision of mathematics and the natural sciences into the field of philosophy and human sciences. The movement derived from the so-called "Vienna Circle" with Ludvig Wittgenstein's (1988 [1922]) Tractatus Logico Philosophicus as one of its doctrinal core elements. Wittgenstein argued that the object of philosophy was the logical clarification of thought -- philosophy was activity, not theory. More generally, logical positivists held that metaphysical propositions are devoid of significance, and moral or value statements are irrelevant, for psychology. They took to its logical conclusion the correspondence principle: a theoretical statement has meaning only if it can be expressed through (or reduced to) some observation statements; these, in turn, can be verified only by direct observations. While the influence of the movement (as a movement) ended around 1940, its conceptual effects are still felt in the field of present-day philosophy and human sciences. (See: Ayer 1959; Bryant 1985; Kolakowski 1968; 1972.)
We then arrive at behaviourism. While a distinct philosophical construct, behaviourism can be considered the 'offspring of positivism' in that it seeks to gain knowledge about behaviour based squarely on measurable phenomena. Where positivism was satisfied with demanding empirical measurability as a basis of knowledge, behaviourism went one step further and claimed that such empiricism is intrinsic to human reality, i.e. measurable facts are all there is to human reality, or at least human behaviour (cf. nominalism). Behaviourism, thus, explains human (and animal) behaviour entirely in terms of observable and measurable responses to environmental stimuli. Introduced in 1913 by John B. Watson, the behaviourist school of psychology rejected the exploration of mental processes as unscientific and maintained that all but a few emotions were conditioned by habit. Its most extreme interpretations now having receded and a vast number of critical counter-movements having appeared and been established since its conception, the behaviourist view on human reality still holds a strong influence on behavioural and educational sciences today -- if not directly, at least indirectly. (See: Skinner 1953; Watson 1930.)
With the materialist-naturalist approach established by the behaviourist school, the stage was set for Dewey's (e.g.: 1916; 1920; 1963 [1938]) instrumentalism and pragmatism -- an approach drawing on a utilitarian and pragmatic philosophy. Instrumentalism holds the various forms of human activity to be instruments devised by humans to solve complex individual and social problems. Truth, instrumentalists insist, has no transcendental or eternal reality and emerges almost exclusively from experience.
Latest by the mid twentieth century the prevailing line of reducationistic, analytical psychological thought had managed to provoke the counter effect of cognitive psychology. Cognitive psychology sought to go back to the essentials of examining internal mental processes such as problem solving, memory and language. It insisted that psychological phenomena could not be properly understood simply by merely identifying and analysing their elementary parts, and maintained that, in psychology, the whole is different from and more than the sum of the parts. The interest of cognitive psychologists is in how problems are understood, diagnosed, and solved -- the focus is on the mental processes that mediate between stimulus and response. Cognitive theory involves algorithms and heuristics as well as insight in these mental processes. Thus, cognitive psychology has been instrumental in examining artificial intelligence in computers and its capability of problem solving. (See: Pick et al. 1992; Sanford 1985; see also: Köhler 1969; Wertheimer 1959.)
The step from behaviourism to instrumentalism was logically a short and natural one. The counter reaction of cognitive psychology broke that one-track development and, while not dispensing with its useful methods, broadened the basis of behavioural science. This paved the way for the emergence of constructivism, which, while not a new idea (during the 1930s and 1940s it was a leading perspective in American educational circles), has been building up and growing out of cognitive and development psychology, particularly since the 1980s. The key notion in the constructivist theory is that learning is at its best when the learner is actively constructing his or her understanding. This learning paradigm involves the belief that (a) knowledge is constructed through a process of reflective abstraction, (b) cognitive structures within the learner facilitate the process of learning, (c) the cognitive structures in the learner are in a process of constant development, and (d) if the notion of constructivist learning is accepted, then the methods of learning and pedagogy must agree. The constructivist theory, moreover, falls within two schools: cognitive constructivism and social constructivism. The former draws on the development psychology of Jean Piaget (e.g.: 1970a; 1975) dating back to the 1920s. The latter has its roots in Lev Vygotsky's (e.g.: 1962; 1978) groundbreaking work that began in the 1930s. Cognitive constructivism focusses on the developmental phases of a child as it grows and matures until the ability for logical reasoning is achieved. Social constructivism (which is more often associated with the constructivist theory) emphasizes the influence and instrumentality of cultural and social contexts in the learning process.
How does the emergence of these schools of thought represent an "evolution of philosophical conceptions of human reality", as stated earlier? The main delineating factor would be that this emergence is the outcome of a consistent tendency to take distance from the dogmatic religious views of the past -- an attempt to find rational and coherent explanations for human behaviour and learning. Brent Wilson (1997) describes this within the broader context of the evolution of world-views. He notes that while in former times people believed that only the Divine can give us knowledge of the 'real world', the Renaissance brought the scientific method to the centre of investigation for knowledge and made it the means for uncovering 'the truth'; he maintains that the modern view trusts science to expose 'the world', but the ideal view of truth, as an objective reality, is now practically rejected by the postmodernist and is replaced with a concept of truth which is bound to context and perspective and is therefore relative and dynamic. He sees the history of epistemology as a process from static and passive conception of knowledge to an adaptive and active one. This trend is clearly visible in the evolution of the schools of thought in the philosophy of social and behavioural science. Another feature that denotes the emergence of social and behavioural schools of thought as a "philosophical evolution" is that it shows a process where the scientific method gradually becomes accepted as a basis for ontology and epistemology. This is a central notion in our discussion and we shall return to it in Section 3.1.3.
In addition to the actual schools of thought within social and behavioural science that have highly influenced educational philosophy there are, of course, general modernist and postmodernist schools of philosophy that work in the background.
Influential among postmodernist philosophies is phenomenology, initiated by Edmund Husserl (e.g.: 1981 [1913]; see also: Farber 1982 [1943]). He sought to construct a universal philosophical approach that had no presuppositions, focussing purely on phenomena and describing them. This reductionist approach insists that anything that is not immediately received by the consciousness has to be discarded. The method is neither the deductive method of logic nor the empirical method of science -- it seeks to realise only the immediate object, the phenomenon, and to grasp its ideal meaning through an instant act of intuition or vision. Phenomenology can be characterized as a method of inquiry that describes phenomena through human experience. It emphasizes the problem of accessing the external world beyond our perceptions. While not necessarily denying the existence of that world, phenomenology postpones its discussion in favour of an almost exclusive focus on human experiences. Here "life world" (or "lebenwelt", in German), becomes the central concept: a person's inner world, that final frontier, the unexplored land that needs to be conquered, mapped and farmed (cf.: Sawicki 2001).
The emergence of phenomenology interacted also with twentieth century developments of hermeneutics. While a rather old school of thought concerned with the theory and practice of interpretation and biblical criticism, hermeneutics found new dimensions beginning from the opening year of the twentieth century. Originally, it was theologian Friedrich Schleiermacher (1768-1834) who focussed the hermeneutic thought on the necessary conditions for coming to an understanding of a text; already Schleiermacher started viewing many social activities -- notably education -- as hermeneutic processes (e.g.: Schleiermacher 1958 [1799]; 1973 [circa 1790-1830]; 1998 [circa 1790-1830]). It was, however Wilhelm Dilthey (1833-1911) who formulated the unique methods of hermeneutics, as apart from the methods of natural sciences, based on the conception that all human sciences should be viewed as hermeneutic undertakings (e.g.: Dilthey 1989 [1833]). Later the German philosopher, Martin Heidegger (1889-1976), who was first impressed by the phenomenology of Husserl and was also strongly influenced by the work of S ren Kierkegaard, developed the field towards a more existentialist outlook, to the extent that he is considered by some as the founder of that school of thought (although he, himself, rejected this association as well as Husserl's phenomenology). He focussed on the problem of being and its temporality; he had a deep concern for various aspects of human existence, particularly as related to the anguish of modern society and the individual's dilemma of his own temporality (e.g.: Heidegger 1962 [1927]; see also: Heidegger1997 [1929]; 2000 [1959]). During the twentieth century, the field of hermeneutics has been developed further within the 'German tradition', with Hans-Georg Gadamer (1900-2002) in the forefront (e.g.: Gaddamer 1976; 1998 [1960]).
The influence of phenomenology and hermeneutics extended throughout Europe and had a particularly central role in the emergence of existentialism. The history of existentialism certainly dates back to the time before phenomenology. It was S ren Kierkegaard (1813-1855), arguably the father of existentialism, who elevated the virtue of what he called the "radical trust of faith" to such heights that he considered a subjective truth, attained with sincerity and intensity of the commitment, as the highest attainment of human understanding (e.g.: Kierkegaard 1939 [1851]; 1962 [1847]; 1966 [1841]). This paved the way for the idea of reality being ontologically subjective -- that subjectivity is the relevant reality for human existence. Later Karl Jaspers (1883-1969) developed further the existentialist philosophical thinking (e.g.: Jaspers 1951 [1931]; 1955; 1967).
However, the culmination of existentialism took place after the establishment of phenomenological thought. It was Jean-Paul Sartre (1905-1980), strongly inspired by the work of Heidegger and, himself, the chief exponent of existentialism in modern times, who insisted that all values are within humankind, that nature exhibits no evidence of good and evil, and therefore, science cannot give us any notion of what we should do, only what we can do. As Sartre (1957, pp. 21-22) himself puts it: "Nowhere is it written that the Good exists, that we must be honest, that we must not lie; because the fact is that we are on a plane where there are only men. Dostoyevsky said that if God did not exist, everything would be possible. That is the very starting point of existentialism. Indeed, everything is permissible if God does not exist, and as a result man is forlorn, because neither within him nor without does he find anything to cling to." Thus, Sartre maintained that there is nothing to guide us in our decisions; human beings must acknowledge this as a fact and, instead of accepting the values of the surrounding culture and escaping from the responsibility of choosing, should create their own values out of nothing, ex nihilo. Sartre (1943, p. 90) summarizes the effects of this view as follows: "The being of human reality is suffering because it rises in the being as perpetually haunted by a totality which it is, without being able to be it ... Human reality therefore is by nature an unhappy consciousness with no possibility of surpassing its unhappy state." The logical conclusion, as Cumming (1965, p. 363) puts it, is: "All human activities are equivalent and all are on the principle doomed to failure. Thus it amounts to the same thing whether one gets drunk alone or is a leader of nations."
The foregoing passages have been a visitation upon the philosophy of social and behavioural sciences. This account, while sketchy, has demonstrated the patchy nature of prevailing Western world-views that are now becoming increasingly dominant also globally. Their pervasive, and often subconscious, influence on common views and understanding has a tremendous effect on people's general outlook on society, life and the future. Academic scholars, their world-view and paradigms, their presumptions and ideas, are not exempt from this influence -- hence, the incoherent foundation of human sciences.
3.1.3. Incompatibilities in Theories of Human Reality
The foregoing discussion has shown that virtually all schools of thought in the history of human sciences and philosophy have indeed focussed on human universals. It is the conflicting approaches and paradoxical methods of these schools of thought in addressing these universals, and the human reality as a whole, that is at stake. In our attempt to understand existing conceptions of human reality, we have thus come to a point where the lack of coherence, the incompatibilities, in these conceptions can be both recognized and addressed. Just what are some of these incompatibilities?
In the previous section, we mentioned that the evolution of social and behavioural thought exhibited a process where scientific method transmuted into a basis for ontology and epistemology. Positivism, which was originally and primarily a method for assessing knowledge, gave vent to behaviourism and cognitive psychology, which took the demand for empirically verifiable knowledge to be identical with the claim that all knowledge is empirically verifiable and that there could be no other kind of knowledge -- at least, not meaningful or relevant knowledge. From here, it was only a small step to asserting that reality is purely material, pure empiricism. This view then lent itself to the ontological view on human reality. Thus, the method had transmuted into a perspective on human reality, i.e. it had become a postulation at the core of human sciences. In other words, "methodological naturalism" was confused with "metaphysical naturalism" and requirements of method were taken as requirements of ontology. In the words of Norman Lillegard (2001):
"Important parts of biology might be Augustinian, as for example when it is claimed that a common genetic code must strongly confirm the theory of common ancestry. Most of physics on the other hand appears to be Duhemian. The French physicist Duhem was a methodological naturalist, but not a metaphysical one. So, it might be argued, parts of science may need to be methodologically naturalistic, but none need be metaphysically naturalistic. And when various kinds of Augustinian science arise, they can be challenged from outside science on philosophical or other grounds. It is arguable that the social sciences are more often than not, Augustinian."
In positivism, the view that metaphysical questions are unanswerable and, thus, irrelevant -- while not logically necessitating a purely materialistic view -- poses an immediate reductionist limitation on viewing human reality. Coupled with the demand of Wittgensteinian logical positivism, that abstract speculation is nonsensical and that moral values are purely emotive, this would add up to considering human reality -- including mind and thought, value and morals -- as essentially material. This argument was taken further by the logical offspring of positivism, behaviourism, which further insisted that only measurable facts are true elements of human reality and explained behaviour in terms of measurable response stimuli. The instrumentalist and pragmatist school of thought put less emphasis on reductionist ontologies per se; yet, its utilitarian philosophy did underline an almost purely experiential nature to human reality.
The counteraction produced by cognitive psychology painted a view of humanity as something essentially more than the sum of its immediately observable elements. It focussed on psychological phenomena such as problem solving or memory or language, ascribing something essentially more complex inherent within the human 'organism' and making the relationship between stimulus and response less straightforward. While principally materialistic in its approach, cognitive psychology thus leaves the door open for a variety of views on human reality by understanding its complexity. Constructivism, on the other hand, made use of this understanding of complexity by introducing the idea of constructing knowledge through reflective abstraction.
From the foregoing two paragraphs, it can be gathered that positivism and behaviourism are articulately and insistently reductionistic or materialistic in their view of human reality. Cognitive psychology and constructivism, on the other hand, exhibit increasing vagueness and indifference and, finally, silence about their conception of human ontology. Instrumentalism and pragmatism seem to fall somewhere in the 'grey area' between these two standpoints. This would indicate that as we advance towards more recent times the focus on human universals becomes gradually more ambiguous and marginalised in behavioural and educational sciences. The reluctance to address such universals, as outlined in Section 2.1., becomes a characteristic feature in human sciences, until these universals become a mere curiosity for abstract minds, a philosophical sidetrack with little relevance to 'real' research. However, since all work in human sciences postulates some view of human reality, whether explicitly or implicitly, the perspectives on human reality entertained by human scientists become increasingly tacit and even subconscious.
Apart from particular schools of thought in human sciences, the influence of general modernist and postmodernist philosophies on world-view must also be considered, as suggested in the previous section. Here, the existentialism of Jean-Paul Sartre stands in its own right. In examining Sartre's views one faces a dilemma. On the one hand, much of what he asserts makes a lot of sense: indeed, nature does appear to exhibit no evidence of good and evil; science is apparently incapable of giving any notion of values and moral, of what we should do; we have an inescapable freedom of choice concerning our beliefs, values, and actions; one should take personal responsibility of the values and moral one adopts. On the other hand, he seems to jump to conclusions that are in no way necessarily derivable from those basic observations: Why insist that we have no essential reality at all? Why must we create our world-view out of complete personal emptiness? Why to claim that there is nothing to guide us in our decisions? Why to argue that learning from those around us would automatically be an escape from responsibility?
It is these latter conclusions that logically lead to Sartre's cynical view of human life as an "unhappy consciousness" in which the only thing one can be certain of is the anxiety brought by the ultimate uncertainty of all things. However, it is also these very conclusions that are not logically coherent (of course, coherence is precisely what Sartre believed to be lacking from reality, but then, all discussion would be futile anyway). If "everything is permissible", as Sartre (1957, p-21) puts it, and "man is forlorn, because neither within him nor without does he find anything to cling to", then why talk about responsibility? What is the point in being "responsible" in one's decisions, if our choices make no difference in relation to reality? Is not the demand of "responsibility" a value judgement in itself? Is the experience of countless societies during millennia to be dismissed as pointless struggle against the vanity of human life? Is the purposeful life-attitude expressed and exercised by the overwhelming majority of humankind to be discarded merely on the justification of the historical traumas and pathological frustrations of a small but overwhelming section of humankind, the Western minority (cf.: P. Izadi 1996)?
Of course, one could argue that Sartre represents only the extreme of existentialism and that other schools within that philosophy would imply less drastic and more optimistic approaches. Be that as it may, Sartre has managed to take the argument to its logical conclusion, and therefore, if one is faithful to the basic tenets of existentialism, one should concur with Sartre's conclusions. The prolific effect of his philosophy is, perhaps, subtle but it is no less influential: while many would not agree with the totality of his ideas, an existentialist outlook is among the most ingrained influences at work within present-day Western mentality. (See: Stevenson 1974.)
The foregoing incompatibilities, discrepancies, vagueness, and uncertainty have brought the evolution of human sciences to a point where universal ontological premises, very understandably, are avoided to the last. If not openly dismissed as irrelevant and nonsensical, they are unconsciously avoided and intuitively regarded as useless philosophy or metaphysical abstractions. Whether representing behaviourism, cognitive psychology, constructivism, phenomenology, hermeneutics, existentialism -- or simply 'humanism' -- there are very few scholars within pedagogical science, and indeed within most human sciences, that would agree on one or the other ontological premise regarding human nature. Consequently, most research in education is essentially descriptive, and of the smaller number of non-descriptive studies, only very few deal with universal concepts. This is to say that pedagogical research is mainly concerned with surveying educational situations, cases, models, or specific phenomena -- not developing the theory of education as a whole.
3.1.4. The Received Conception on Human Reality
Campbell (1981, pp. 3-4) observes the incoherence of human sciences as follows: "In our own day the nature of society is a problem to which an entire science, that of sociology, addresses itself, but it is an issue which spills over into all the social sciences, including history, and is inseparable from some of the major concerns of philosophy. There is therefore a multiplicity of different and rather uncoordinated sources to look to for leads into the understanding of social life. But, this saturation of attention has not produced an established theory of society. For all the wealth of accumulated data concerning particular societies in different periods and cultures there are still radical disagreements about which sort of social phenomena are fundamental relationships."
So, what are fundamental social relationships? What is the view on human reality received through the totality of social and behavioural philosophy? Are we a tabula rasa, a lá Locke; do we have an inherent moral potential, a lá Plato; are we a mere extension of biological evolution, a materialistic response system, a lá Skinner; or just a patchy and incoherent conglomeration containing all and none of these descriptions, an "unhappy consciousness", a lá Sartre? The concept of human reality is the fundamental universal at the core of any human science. Therefore, these questions return us to the discussion of the three ontological stances on universals discussed in Section 1.2., namely realism (that universals are objectively real and that their ontology is independent of our epistemological knowledge of them), nominalism (that universals are real only as 'names' or 'titles' assigned to our linguistic objects), and conceptualism (that universals belong to a mental or psychological domain and are "mental devices" that produce descriptions or definitions of a given domain of reality).
Human reality is either purely material, or it has some immaterial or abstract aspect. The fact that we have a consciousness of self and that we think -- cogito, ergo sum -- suggests the latter. A naturalist interpretation would be inclined towards the nominalist view -- explaining consciousness as an epiphenomenon of chemical activities in the brain, as an illusion of some sort. Modern constructivism would probably find a conceptualist notion more convenient -- ascribing human consciousness to a psychological domain. The former, while highly limited in its concept, is at least internally coherent. The latter, however, leaves the actual question unanswered: ascribing human consciousness to a psychological domain does not solve the nature of its ontology, because that "psychological domain" is just another name for our consciousness. Both of these interpretations would certainly justify Sartre's cynical view of human consciousness. The realist view, on the other hand, appears to evoke very little response from among human scientists. The realist view -- that human consciousness would, indeed, have an independent reality beyond the purely physical and biological domain -- seems to resonate too closely with the concepts of 'soul' or 'spirit' and, therefore, recall the rather justified apprehensions that human scientists entertain against metaphysical and theological hair-splitting.
It must be noted, moreover, that the scholars of the field seldom consciously identify their thinking or their schools of thought with one or the other of the three ontological stances. The above description seeks to show that their views on human reality, nonetheless, do fall within the general scope of these ontologies. This means that the received conception of human sciences concerning human reality is inclined towards nominalism and conceptualism, and avoids realism. The very fact that this usually takes place unconsciously stands at the core of our discussion -- that scholars in the field of social and behavioural science, and particularly educational science, are often unaware of the assumptions they make about human reality. It is this feature that resulted from taking methodological requirements for ontological premises, confusing "methodological naturalism" with "metaphysical naturalism", as mentioned in the previous section.
Most concepts in social theory arise from situational or historical (i.e. non-universal, changing) observations and, consequently, they seek no law-of-nature type generalist principles -- i.e. they do not describe reality in general but in particular. In the overwhelming majority of humanistic research and philosophy today, the overall assumptions concerning the human or social reality arise on an ad hoc or case-by-case basis per each study. Even then, these assumptions are seldom articulated but are often implied only indirectly. Thus, the ontological foundation of human sciences is still far from being established.
As a result of this situation, the systematic study of human and educational universals is at the level of "reductionistic discourse", as indicated in the title of this work. The effect is that human sciences are incapable of taking a stand on the goals and contents of education, of society, and of human life; that is left to politics. This would be justified if, factually, there were no scientifically explorable criteria for goals and contents -- i.e. if the nominalist or conceptualist views are true and the realist view incorrect. That, however, is a claim that is not based on systematic study but on historical coincidence. The realist view has never been given a proper chance to be thoroughly and dispassionately studied. Is human consciousness, indeed, just an epiphenomenon of chemical activity in the brain; is human society, really, a mere extension of animal herd behaviour? The civilizational outcomes of human consciousness, the overwhelming abundance of the immaterial culture of human civilization throughout ages and in all regions of the world provide rather massive empirical evidence not to be dismissed as mere side-effects of biological activity. In fact, to rationalize about human reality and write treatises about human consciousness, and simultaneously limit its definition as mere electrochemical processes, is a logical paradox. Peter Russell (1983, p. 55) nicely describes this paradox in his physicist's mind:
"The reductionist approach argues that consciousness can be explained in terms of neural events in the brain, and life, in terms of organic chemistry. Taken to its logical conclusion, this argument ends up in a trap of its own making. Consciousness, it is said, is 'nothing but' the cumulative effect of a complex interwoven web of 10 billion nerve cells. A nerve cell is nothing but a huge conglomeration of macromolecules; a macromolecule is nothing but a few million atoms strung together; and an atom is nothing but a nucleus surrounded by a cloud of spinning electrons, which in turn are nothing but eigenvalues in a probability function called the wave equation. What is 'an eigenvalue in a probability function called the wave equation'? Nothing but a model created by the conscious processes of the human mind to give meaning to certain experimental results in physics. The argument has come a full circle, for is not the human mind and its many faculties, including creativity and a sense of meaning, nothing but the workings of a few billion brain cells?"
The issue on human reality cannot be indefinitely avoided by social and behavioural sciences -- it is too fundamental. If the standpoint on human reality is not properly addressed and if some unified understanding on its fundamental quality is not reached, human sciences will find it hard to demonstrate their credibility and become recognized as 'true sciences'. Lillegard (2001) asserts: "the principles of folk psychology seem to be irreducibly teleological and mentalistic. So, it is understandable that those who want to pursue a 'science of human beings' would suggest giving up those principles completely, and looking for new, genuinely causal principles. ... It looks then as though social scientists may be facing the following dilemma: either give up the claim that the social sciences are sciences, or give up folk psychology. ... The inability to think of nature as simply matter, as 'physical' in a modern sense, and the tendency to import into nature irrelevant 'purposes and goals' such as only minds of some sort can have, was precisely what precluded the development of genuine science in the ancient world (or so the story goes). The ancients saw mind, or something mind-like, operating everywhere. Moderns would like to see it operating nowhere. So you can see that intentionality (i.e. believing, thinking etc.) needs to be excluded from science as we understand it in the modern era." It is this pursuance of non-universality that has lead to the dichotomy between reductionism vs. holism and made them almost synonyms for 'scientific' vs. 'religious' (or systematic and critical vs. vague and uncritical).
3.2.1. Efforts of Educational Philosophy on Holism and Universals
In Section 1.3., it was admitted that, along the history of the philosophy of education, there have been numbers of scholars that have explored, and are exploring, the fundamental questions of human reality and its education. Such works can be found both in the domain of theory and application.
Foremost among such scholars are the foundational philosophers of education, including such prominent philosophers as Jean-Jaques Rousseau (1712-1778), Immanuel Kant (1724-1804), Johann Gottlieb Fichte (1762-1814), Friedrich Schleiermacher (1768-1834), Georg Wilhelm Hegel (1770-1831), and Johann Friedrich Herbart (1776-1841). Their work represents a plethora of in-depth thinking that relates to a variety of philosophical and social issues -- not only education. Their heritage does not sum up and converge into any generally accepted view of education, much less human reality. They are not seen as protagonists of an holistic theory of education or society or human reality (although some of them did pursue such aspirations). To the extent these authors are studied and referred to, they are treated as historical cases of educational theory -- i.e. their work is not considered to formulate the accepted postulation of educational theory, as a whole, to which the science of education should axiomatically relate itself.
Yet, the influence of these prolific thinkers is undeniable. While it does not boil down to generalistic universals -- approximations of human education -- their work represents certain universal underpinnings. In fact, it would not be incorrect to maintain that their thinking addresses education as a fundamental, perhaps the fundamental, humanizing process that is reflected in the entire spectrum of human activity -- a process that works both within the individual and in the society, a basic human function. Most of the significant works of these thinkers touch upon this issue of the influence of education, or education as a social force -- at times tacitly but, mostly, quite directly (e.g.: Rousseau 1911 [1753]; 1950 [1762]; Kant 1975 [1800]; 1985 [1786]; Fichte 1982 [1794]; 1987 [1800]; Schleiermacher; 1958 [1799]; 1973 [circa 1790-1830]; 1998 [circa 1790-1830]; Hegel 1953 [circa 1820]; 1967 [1821]; 1977a [1802]; 1977b [1807]; Herbart 1897 [circa 1800-1840]).
What is important in all these instances is that these foundational theorists did not view education merely as a reproductive mechanism that transfers to the future the achievements of the past; they also considered education to be a proactive force that could be used as a means for reaching for future transformations. As pointed out in Section 1.4., protagonists of education unleashed the idea, beginning from the Enlightenment and culminating in the nineteenth century, that a radical transformation in the society was possible and that certain idealistic goals can be systematically pursued and attained through harnessing the power of education. Finally, they did usher in tangible changes in the fabric of society -- changes the effect of which are still felt.
Such education-driven transformations have all been targeted to the flourishing of national identity and the prosperity of a national civilisation; this process of transformation has been an element of the evolution of almost every country where national integrity has been consolidated and the citizens' national identity thrives. Such educational processes started in the nineteenth century, mostly in Western countries, and spread to other parts of the world latest by mid twentieth century. I consider such processes as "efforts of educational philosophy on holism and universals", because the ideals propagated by the foundational philosophers of education, while seemingly patchy on the level of articulation, have had some universal appeal to human reality and have struck a universal chord in human aspirations in that they found implementation and sustained practicability in the educational work of the protagonists of national awakening.
This process took place also in Finland, beginning from the mid nineteenth century up to the latter half of the twentieth century. Thinkers and philosophers of that period found it finally possible to address a Finnish identity and mentality for the whole nation -- something that had not been earlier within the reach of the generality of the populace. Although arriving at no consensus, these educators of the nation addressed directly human universals (e.g.: Snellman 1863; 1898; Hollo 1952 [1927]; 1959 [1927]; Kaila 1938; Salomaa 1943; Ahlman 1953; Harva 1958; 1963). Given the influence of educational thinkers, on the one hand, and the variety of their work and the spectrum of schools of thought present there, on the other, a brief summary of the representatives of educational philosophy and theory during the past one-and-a-half century in this country may be appropriate here.
Perhaps, most prominent and best known among these philosophers was Johan V. Snellman (1806-1881) who, along with many of his contemporaries, had strong roots in the thinking of Hegel. Another influential Hegelian thinker in Finland was Axel A. Laurell (1801-1852), who still had some theological rooting in the former traditions of education. It was during the professorship of Zacharias J. Cleven (1820-1900) and Johan J. F. Perander (1838-1885) that the theological tradition had retreated in favour of the Hegelian thought. However, in Germany, a Herbartian school of thought had been gaining momentum; Waldemar Ruin (1857-1938) was, perhaps, the thinker who initiated the Finnish academia into this tradition. His apprentice and colleague, Mikael Soininen (1860-1924), actually established the Herbartian influence. In the decades preceding the Second World War, Zachris Castrén (1868-1938) was the main theorist and promoter of civic education; he viewed education, however, as mainly a pragmatic subject which only aimed at teaching to students the practical skills needed in working life, although he did emphasize also the importance of scientific thinking. Later, Juho A. Hollo (1885-1967) started a new strand; he refused to succumb to the widespread Herbartian notion of education and sought, instead, to understand the phenomenon of education by combining and harmonizing the various elements of both the speculative and empirical schools of thought. In the same vein, and perhaps more comprehensively, Eino Kaila's (1890-1958) work was characterized by an attempt to search for unifying and dynamic principles behind psychology, philosophy, and quantum mechanics. Jalmari E. Salomaa (1891-1960) was well versed in philosophy and psychology and was also an educationalist; he wrote on the general theory of education, but he is perhaps best known as a pioneer of IQ testing in Finland. Erik Ahlman (1892-1952), on the other hand, addressed the field of education through both practical and philosophical, even metaphysical, questions; he was convinced that a sound theoretical foundation was necessary for education, and he called for proper focus on values, ethics, and cultural philosophy in education. Among the educational philosophers who viewed education from a broad philosophical perspective was also Urpo Harva (1910-1994) who emphasized the role of civilizational advancement and philosophical thought in education and, thus, considered that the civilizing process was an integral part of the theory of education.
Also today, from time to time, there are efforts to address the issue of educational universals. For instance, contemporary researchers like Tapio Puolimatka (e.g.: 1989) and Pauli Siljander (e.g.: 2000; 2002) have been among the protagonist of in-depth discussions on educational universals. Moreover, recent works such as Göran Björk's (2001) and Jan Sjöberg's (2002) dissertations show that the discussion of philosophical problems of education is kept alive by individual researchers and looms in the background of the educational field. Moreover, from time to time, there have been attempts to put together some universalist explanation of human behaviour. For instance, Fishbein & Ajzen (1975) advance their idea of the causal relationship between beliefs, attitudes, intentions, and behaviour. It is an interesting theory in that, while it introduces causality into the workings of human reality, it manages to avoid linearity within that causality -- i.e. its causality is ontological, not chronological, in nature. Yet, such attempts remain tributaries in the mainstream of behavioural research and have little influence on the overall development of educational theory.
While often falling within the boundaries of traditions of educational thought, the quest for universals has, in recent decades, broadened the perspective of educational research and paved the way for a richer and more holistic investigation into the phenomenon of education. Surprisingly, the outcomes are most visibly present in the domain of educational application. There, certain thinkers -- such as Martin Buber (e.g.: 1967), Paulo Freire (e.g.: 1985), J¨rgen Habermas (e.g.: 1976), Jack Mezirow (e.g.: 1991) and Peter Senge (e.g.: 1990) -- have done pioneering work in addressing real educational needs while standing on a philosophical foundation. It seems that, where true developmental human needs have been addressed on the level of practice and application, their theoretical understanding, too, has been refurbished.
One of such instances is action research. According to Argyris et al. (1985, p. 36), an action researcher is an interventionist who seeks both to promote learning in the client system and to contribute to general knowledge. Although action research has many varieties and forms (see: Haft & Kordes, 1984), some guiding principles of action research can be identified (Argyris et al. 1985, pp. 8-9): (a) action research involves experiments on real issues in social systems; (b) action research involves iterative cycles of identifying a problem, planning, acting, and evaluating; (c) the intended change, typically, involves re-education; (d) action research challenges the status quo from a perspective of cooperative and consultative social values; and (e) action research is intended to contribute simultaneously to basic knowledge in social science and to social action in every-day-life. High standards of theory building are not to be sacrificed, nor is the relation to practice to be lost. Development is a factor of validity in action research (see: Grönfors 1982, p. 122): essential changes must be shown to have taken place and significant goals to have been achieved in order for any action research project to be declared valid. (See also: Elliot 1985, pp. 235-262; Baker 1984, pp. 89-90.)
Also other very similar and closely related trends in the field of education -- such as learning organization, a term coined by Peter Snege (e.g.: 1990; Senge et al. 1994) -- have appeared during the past few decades. Common to these trends seems to be an aspiration to reorient, by means of renewal of everyday practice, the community's social life (see: Foster 1976). They seek, through cooperative consultation, not aggressive opposition, to forcefully break down obsolete routines of various present-day communities (work, political, civic, etc.) and to utilize human diversity as an invaluable social resource, and to reveal personal and collective capacities dormant in those communities. They accept "interdependence as a cardinal value" and seek to "replace competitive with cooperative relations" (Trist 1976, pp. 235-236).
Thus, while these new modes of educational implementation seem pragmatic in appearance, they are, in fact, philosophical in foundation. They may, or may not, identify their philosophical basis with one or another school of thought, but they share a subtle, and as yet inarticulate, foundational undertone that somehow seems to address human reality directly and appeal to certain universal qualities in the essence of humanity. This observation is supported by the fact that there is abundant empirical evidence for the functionality of many of these new trends in the vast diversity of human culture and experience. For instance, both action research and learning organization, if implemented in a culturally sensitive manner, appear to be capable of highly successful operations in a variety of organizational, social and cultural setups worldwide -- setups as far removed from each other as, for example, a small village in India vs. a large supranational corporation, or an international non-governmental organization for civic change vs. the political organization of municipal administration in a Scandinavian town. The fact that these approaches can successfully function in all these diverse contexts is indicative of their universal human relevance (see also Section 5.2.).
The abovementioned undertones are still subtle and tacit -- they need to be studied and articulated. In fact, some scholars have begun to contemplate on the more philosophical aspect of these undertones while retaining the useful applicability of these approaches. For example, a recent study (see: Tuomi 2001) in Jyväskylä, Finland, is simultaneously a report of a development project through the action research method, on the one hand, and a discussion of the universal characteristics of human reality and its moral developmental needs in our present paradigm, on the other. Similar trends can be detected in other works as well (e.g.: Launonen 2000). What is important in these instances is, as Power (1982, 5-7) puts it, that "[f]ew educational philosophers are content merely to state their case and put trust in its inner logic and natural appeal for adoption", and that educational philosophers would rather "want to be influential and to have their plans paid heed". They, one and all, seem to agree that "left uneducated, men are 'the most savage of earthly creatures'" (Power 1982, p. 6).
Generally, it can be said that the majority (although not all) of the philosophical work that has been done in the direction of educational universals, during the past few decades, is based on the broad German tradition (which is well represented in Finland). This tradition addresses universals from a conceptualist point of departure and can be seen within the broader context of postmodernism. For instance, in phenomenology and hermeneutics there are a number of thinkers that have focussed on human and educational universals (e.g.: Uljens 1998; 2002). In the same vein, the popular and widespread pragmatism of Dewey (e.g.: 1963 [1938]) and constructivism of Vygotsky (e.g.: 1978) address human universals form a relativistic point of view. More broadly, the work of postmodernist philosophers, in fields not directly connected with education, relates back to the interests of the science of education. For instance, conceptualizations within the philosophy of mind (e.g.: Chalmers 1996) or the philosophical thoughts of Richard Rorty (e.g.: 1991) and John R. Sarle (e.g.: 1995) intercept educational thought with the universals of a postmodernist world-view. Very few scholars remain who address universals from a realist perspective (see e.g.: Puolimatka 1989; Niiniluoto 1999).
It seems that the twentieth century represents a paradox in the development of educational theory and philosophy in that, on the one hand, it witnessed the flourishing of a broad spectrum of schools of thought and, on the other, this abundance of views never conspired in favour of a general theory of education based on an holistic view of human reality. The only universal that seems to be endorsed by the majority of educationalists is the postmodernist and pragmatist notion that universalist approximations of human reality and education, while perhaps interesting, are neither attainable nor relevant (cf.: Uljens 2002). This may be attributed either to the possibility that this is indeed how things actually are, or to the fact that we are only at the beginning of the evolution of human sciences and , therefore, we have been unable to attain to properly relevant universals that would provide meaningful points of departure for our science. Thus, many earlier efforts on a realist view on human and educational universals appear (and are) naïve in that they are primitive; they are the first fumbling attempts to scientifically understand ourselves -- an effort which must necessarily include, in the beginning, numerous incorrect or limited or twisted outcomes. However, given the relatively brief period (a couple of centuries, at best) that this process has been going on, and given the complexity and problematic nature of the task (after all, we are trying to understand ourselves, not just an external world), it would be unreasonable to give up the possibility of an holistic realist understanding of human reality, in general, and education, in particular. For the same reason, it would be indicative of justified humility to opt for the possibility that we have not, yet, exhausted the potential of studying the human universals from a realist point of view -- and not to insist that such attempts are bound to be futile. As humankind is forced to increasing intermingling and applies the accumulating intercultural experience to its understanding of itself, our thoughts may mature so that more apt and universally plausible educational universals can emerge -- if they are given a chance and are not dismissed out of hand.
3.2.2. Scientific Belief vs. Dogmatic Belief: Epistemic Reflections
Let us now return to the term "scientific method" discussed in Section 1.4. This method of acquisition of knowledge is often referred to as only the natural scientific method and, as pointed out earlier, is easily mistaken for the positivistic approach. It must remembered, however, that the main point was a call for vision as "a compass for scientific progress", and vision with a "universal appeal to the human mind". It claimed that in today's paradigm of global transformation, the role of education as an "agent of change" and of the pedagogical science as a "holistic frame of reference" should not be underestimated; these, in turn, need to give due attention to the study of educational universals. On the other hand, the point of departure in our argumentation has been that such universals do not lend themselves to meaningful processes unless there are means to systematically and methodically study them.
This call for vision and holism, on the one hand, and systematic and methodical means, on the other, brings us to a problematic dichotomy. Today, the terms 'reductionism' and 'holism' are, unfortunately, often taken almost as synonyms for 'scientific' vs. 'religious', respectively -- the former implying a systematic and critical acquisition of knowledge with the application of clear logical rules; the latter implying a vague and uncritical formation of doctrines with an authoritarian approach to knowledge. In our context, however, such an interpretation is far from the one intended. Indeed, almost the opposite is meant.
The dichotomy of scientific belief vs. dogmatic belief is, of course, a very old philosophical dilemma. It needs to be pointed out that it is not religious faith as such that is equated here with dogmatic belief -- only the dogmatic expressions of religious faith can be thus characterized. In fact, all the great religions of the world have, at the time of their appearance, imparted new creative vision to the world, helping to emancipate people from the highly dogmatized and stagnant belief systems of their respective era and culture, opening the horizons of narrow-minded contemporary world-views, and reviving the intellectual lives of people. In fact, scientific belief (as defined below) can be found within the religious domain as much as dogmatic belief (as defined below) can be found in the academic domain.
To put it simply, by "dogmatic belief" (or, more provocatively, "dogmatic superstition") we mean: (a) conviction in particular views without solid rational grounds and adequate factual justification, on the one hand, and (b) doctrinal belief in an incoherent and atomistic collection of tenets, on the other -- in short: unfounded and unconnected of beliefs. Such beliefs, in fact, qualify as forms of blind faith or superstition in that they preclude the necessity of reason and justification as an essential element in the human belief system. Dogmatic belief is, therefore, prone to becoming an arbitrary set of atomistic doctrines.
Scientific knowledge is also a belief system. Its main difference with dogmatic belief, however, is that it is very careful in choosing its particular 'tenets' -- using critical criteria, well-thought-out justifications and even attempting to falsify its own assumptions -- i.e. the scientific belief system tests its claims before adopting them. Moreover, the scientific approach does not suffice itself with putting forward merely particular claims; rather, it seeks to link and connect the various 'truths' it has found, relate them to one another (itself a part of the testing process), and formulate them into a coherent whole. Therefore, scientific belief -- i.e. adopted postulations, the patterns of scientific 'doctrines' -- is not (or, at least, is not supposed to be) an arbitrary and atomistic list of statements.
The problem of the justifiability of beliefs has been abundantly addressed by the exponents of philosophy of science. From the times of Socrates and Plato, to medieval Franciscans, to Renaissance and the Age of Enlightenment, all the way to present-day rationalism, such epistemic contemplations have been at the core of intellectual investigation and scientific knowledge. Perhaps one of the most zealous lines of such thought is, today, critical rationalism. The arguments of Karl Popper, for instance, come readily to mind with his exposition of falsifiability as the central criterion for any adopted theorem (illustrated by the following example: if there is a single white crow, then the statement "all crows are black" is false; or more precisely: while no amount of observation of black crows verifies the statement "all crows are black", one authenticated observation of a white crow falsifies it). And for Popper, falsifiability is the hallmark of science (see: Popper 1992; see also: Palonen 1974).
The issue of falsifiability is highly applicable when we deal with stating generalizations on empirically observable phenomenon and is, therefore, central in the positivistic tradition of science. The whole conception of science presented above is conventionally considered as positivistic. Caution, however, is needed not to merge this concept of knowledge with the static and deterministic world-views and mechanistic approaches that often go along with the term "positivism". Here, positivism simply means the pursuit of "positive knowledge" -- i.e. knowledge that is verifiable (cf. Section 1.2.).
However, returning to our main concern, the issue of universals, we will notice that the justification of statements on universals is hardly straightforward, if the main criterion remains falsification, since the falsifiability of universals can be done only indirectly through the observable phenomenon derived from those universals, not the universals themselves. This will bring us back to our original topic of dogmatic vs. scientific belief: falsifiability gives a powerful tool to avoid dogmatic tenets and hold to scientific knowledge when applied to empirically observable phenomena, but it is of little immediate help in postulating universals -- particularly if the realist view of universals is endorsed (see Section 1.2.). If, for the sake of argument, we pose that the realist position on universals is correct -- that abstract objects (such as 'largeness' or 'beauty' or 'justice' or 'consciousness' or 'meaning') are real and exist in a realm independent of human thought -- then their empirical study can take place only indirectly (if at all). It is, perhaps, this very fact that has prompted the dominance of the conceptualist view on universals.
Then, how to avoid dogmatic belief in assumed universals, and how to keep such postulation grounded on scientific foundations? To claim that this would be impossible and that such postulation is somehow intrinsically dogmatic or superstitious, is to maintain that only empirically verifiable objects are real, i.e. reality is purely materialistic. Avoiding dogmatism and superstition by confining knowledge to such nominalism would be tantamount to giving up an open mind -- the very symptom produced by dogmatism and superstition that we seek to avoid.
This, however, need not be the case. Keeping an open and unbiased mind requires, in addition to methods of verification, an holistic vision. At the outset of this section "dogmatic belief" was defined as a "conviction in particular views without solid rational grounds and adequate factual justification" as well as a "doctrinal belief in an incoherent and atomistic collection of tenets". This means that, if postulation on universals avoids these pitfalls and is not characterized by such features, it does not qualify as dogmatic belief. We sustained that "scientific knowledge", on the other hand, "tests its claims before adopting them" and "seeks to link and connect the various 'truths' it has found ... and formulate them into a coherent whole". This is precisely the definition of "holistic vision". Is it not, we may ask, possible to study and postulate universals without falling prey to dogmatic belief and with keeping to scientific criteria!
During the past fifty years or so, this dichotomy of holistic vision vs. dogmatic belief has become a target of discussion in systemic approaches. It can be said that systemists argue that science without holistic vision is dogmatic; in other words, scientific belief demands holistic vision (e.g.: Bertalanffy et al. 1951). This point is clearly presented by Fritjoff Capra, who challenges the Cartesian view of the universe as a reductionistic and mechanical clockwork, and calls for an holistic approach to reality that sees systemic interconnectedness as the prime quality in creation (see: Capra 1983; 1985; Capra & Steenbergen 1985; Descartes 1970 [1629-1649]). This dilemma stems from an ongoing paradigm shift in our entire scientific world-view -- a dilemma which Capra calls the "crisis of perception".
This crisis of perception is what General Systems Theory seeks to address (see Sections 3.2.4. and 3.2.5.) and it is closely linked with the way universals are treated. It is the latest phase of the seemingly eternal dilemma of the justifiability of belief and the objectivity of knowledge, and a polemical challenge across all fields of sciences -- not the least, the science of education. If there, indeed, are any educational universals, the science of education cannot rightfully ignore them and may have to consider their philosophical feasibility as bases for the paradigmatic postulation of the field.
3.2.3. The Scientific Method and the Quest for Universals
Let us return now to the conceptualization of universals. We are back with the dilemma that Lillegard (2001) articulates: "The ancients saw mind, or something mind-like, operating everywhere. Moderns would like to see it operating nowhere." We are also back with the dichotomy of reductionism vs. holism, which, in academic fora, has often come to imply 'scientific' (i.e. critical, independent, verifiable) vs. 'religious' (i.e. dogmatic, authoritarian, unverified). The problem is particularly acute when dealing with universals. Since universals are immaterial, they easily lend themselves to metaphysical speculations.
It is precisely this dilemma of the 'metaphysical' or 'teleological' that makes scientists uncomfortable: they, justifiably, would like to avoid being entangled in incoherent doctrinal debates about metaphysical beliefs. However, the very concept of metaphysics must be observed here more keenly. If by "metaphysical" we indicate all sorts of ontological and epistemological abstractions, whether philosophically and logically sound theorems or simply dogmatic and superstitious beliefs, we are left with a conflicting image of the metaphysical: certainly "philosophically and logically sound theorems" cannot be put on par with "dogmatic and superstitious beliefs".
It is the absence of this differentiation that leads some scientists to avoid metaphysical and teleological assumptions altogether. Ascribing reality to abstract things such as universals is indeed ascribing reality to a metaphysical domain, but it certainly does not constitute dogmatism or superstition if the theorems stand the test of critical and logical thinking and are not in conflict with observable facts. Thus, it is not metaphysical and teleological assumptions, in themselves, that constitute an 'unscientific' domain but rather their dogmatic and superstitious pursuit. This is perhaps one of the main reasons for the historical conflict between science and religion (see Sections 2.1.4. and 3.2.2.).
Therefore, in order to avoid dogmatism (the very object of this thesis), the classical problem of justifiability and falsifiability becomes even more central when applied to the issue of universals. In Section 1.2., we differentiated between the realist, nominalist, and conceptualist views of universals. Our argument above indicates that at least there is no obvious scientific reason that would falsify the realist view. Realism maintains that consciousness, for instance, is an objectively existing reality, while the nominalist view is purely materialistic in that it insists on consciousness being either reducible to, or identical with, the neurophysiology of the brain (i.e. a by-product of biological evolution), and conceptualism deals with consciousness as a more-or-less independent mental domain with its own rules and structure. None of these can automatically be dismissed out of hand as scientifically unjustified.
A brief review of how universals have been historically treated is appropriate here. Plato (circa 427-347 b.c.) was, perhaps, the first and most consistent realist. He argued that universals are real objects, immaterial forms that exist in their own ideal realm. He maintained that universals could only be known by the intellect, and not the senses. For him, the particulars are mere manifestations of the universals. Aristotle (384-322 b.c.), while maintaining a realist position, criticized Plato's strict separation of universals from particulars. He believed that universals are to be found as "shared attributes" in the particulars, in individual objects. Augustine (354-430), on the other hand, disagreed with Aristotle in that universals could be grasped only through experience; for Augustine, humans are unique in their ability to grasp universals as a priori truths. Aquinas (1225-74), on the other hand, sided with Aristotle and regarded universals as essences which, while they must exist in the contingent world, may be arrived at without a supposed existence. Aristotle and Aquinas have been criticized for the inadequacy of their explanation of how universals connect with particulars, with observable objects. (Fieser & Dowden, 2001.)
English Franciscan scholastic philosopher, William of Occam (circa 1285-1349), is the one who first proposed the alternative approach called nominalism. He maintained that universals have no real or independent existence accept in a "nominal" sense, i.e. in our mind and language; they are words that we apply to a collection of things. Occam was influential in the area of logic and his principle of parsimony, known as Occam's Razor, is perhaps his best known legacy: if something can be achieved with fewer assumptions, any additions are vain; in other words: plurality is never to be posited without need. This rule requires that any complication be justified, e.g. by providing increased explanatory power. This is, in fact, Occam's strongest argument against realism and in favour of nominalism: do not postulate two realms of existence when one will do. (Fieser & Dowden, 2001; see also: Langendoen & Postal 1984, pp. 26, 44-47.)
In the period of Enlightenment, Locke (1632-1704) proposed that universals are neither ideal realities nor nominalistic concepts; instead, he argued, they are images in the human mind. Hume (1711-1776) and Berkeley (1685-1753), objecting to Locke's idea of mental images, concurred that universals are only particulars which represented other particulars with familiar aspects and that, when we link certain objects with particular words enough times, classes of things seem to develop. Thus, Locke started a strain of thought that lead to the conceptualist view of universals. From Hume's and Berkeley's responses, one can gather that there are different, even conflicting, variants of the conceptualist view some of which may resemble the nominalist approach. Wittgenstein (1889-1951), for instance, believed that search for an exhaustive list of conditions defining a universal is futile because such conditions do not exist; he proposed universals would be conceptualized through a flexible set of conditions that can be arrived at by studying the use of language and how words come to have a common meaning. (Fieser & Dowden, 2001.)
The foregoing review shows that, chronologically, universals have first been treated from a realist point of view, followed by the introduction of nominalist approaches which, in turn, gave way to the rather incoherent bulk of conceptualist views. This historical development has a striking similarity with the evolution of concepts of human reality in social and behavioural sciences, as described in Sections 3.1.2. and 3.1.3.: the outcome in both cases is a rather incoherent conglomeration of ideas, a "philosophical pluralism", if you like.
Is not the pursuit of coherence, however, one of the main criteria in the realm of science? Unless, of course, we succumb to the Sartrean notion that the world, as a whole, makes no sense at all. In that case, science should definitely be divided into isolated disciplines, each with their own set of very limited rules and regularities; this, not due to practical reasons of manageability, but due to the ontological reason that reality would be structured in such an incoherent manner. This gets very close to our notion of atomistic dogma. Another alternative would be to maintain that the physical reality is coherent and can be studied from a universalist standpoint, making possible aspirations for a Grand Unified Theory (cf.: Hawking 1989), but that the human reality follows no coherent set of conditions and, therefore, cannot be studied from a unified point of view. This latter position does actually pose an interesting world-view: Is reality actually into two domains, a coherent and an incoherent one? That would certainly introduce a new kind of dualism.
Neither the nominalist nor the conceptualist views of universals give a solution to this dilemma. Universals, if limited to simple realities, such as colour or taste or shape or size, seem somewhat satisfactorily described from a conceptualist or even nominalist standpoint. When taking into account more profound universals, however, such as natural laws or consciousness or meaning or purpose, these standpoints become utterly inadequate. Are, for instance, laws of nature to be dismissed as mere conceptualist constructs of the human mind? Certainly, our theories (i.e. approximations) on these laws can be thus ascribed. But can their ever-increasing correlation with the observed phenomena be also characterized in this manner? The same applies to similar universals related to human reality: What is volition? What is thought or consciousness?
It is here that both the conceptualist and definitely the nominalist views of universals turn out to be inadequate; and it is here that Popper's demand of falsifiability steps in. If there is even a single instance that contradicts a theorem, that theorem must be abandoned or reformulated. The explanatory power of conceptualism and nominalism fails to give an adequate account of both the essence and manifestation of such profound universals. The advocates of these schools of thought, therefore, have taken the road of reformulating and re-reformulating their stances, thus, devising complex mental structures to make up for the shortcomings of the original theory. However, another way to get rid of these logically unnecessary complexities is to abandon the conceptualist and nominalist view and to reconsider the possibilities of the realist one. Paradoxically, it is Occam's Razor -- the parsimony of the nominalist, William of Occam -- that would indeed demand this abandonment, because the adoption of the realist view of universals would solve these discrepancies and complexities. Moreover, the original objection of Occam against the dualism demanded by Platonistic realism is also solvable (our claim on holism would require such a solution). Our conceptualization (Sections 3.2.5. and 3.2.6.) and postulation (Section 3.3.) will show that, within a systemic conceptual framework, no such dualism is needed and that, in fact, a hierarchical view of the ontological qualities of reality will maintain holism while asserting a realist view.
I, therefore, argue that conceptualization of universals via realism is, indeed, in accordance with the scientific method. This approach will, in fact, make possible "scientific belief" as described in Section 3.2.2. Immaterial elements of human reality, including thought and consciousness, are considered thus objectively existing realities, not delusions caused by physical activities nor a mere by-product of biological evolution (cf.: P. Russell 1983, p. 55). As a reminder, let it be noted that, while this conception of science is conventionally considered as positivistic, in this discussion, the static and deterministic world-view as well as the accompanying mechanistic approaches, often implied by the positivist or naturalist tradition, are categorically not endorsed. What we seek here is a system of coherent and universal ontological premises regarding human reality, human society and human education -- a system that can, nevertheless, maintain a vast latitude for the variety and diversity of methodology and approach, already existing in the field of social and behavioural science.
3.2.4. General Systems Theory:
Promising Philosophical and Theoretical Trends
In Section 1.4., it was argued that the scientific method, which is often seen only as the natural scientific method, is applicable also to the science of education. While the types of universals addressed, the ontological approximations produced, the empirical approaches implemented may vary greatly, yet, there can exist an epistemological monism among all sciences in respect to the process that leads to further understanding about reality -- there can exist a broad methodological monism of scientific exploration.
Moreover, this possibility is today enhanced by a more general shift in perception. New theories within natural sciences -- in theoretical physics, in cosmology and astronomy, in molecular biology and genetics, etc. -- have reshaped our understanding of the physical reality and, along with it, our expectations of how reality works. The ensuing changes in human perception reach beyond the particular fields of science and shake the foundations of traditional world-views. No longer is the view of a deterministic universe running like a clockwork, the presumed separation between the observer and the observed, or between mind and matter, taken for granted. The surge of philosophical and ideological innovations in the wake of mind-stirring scientific advances is highly diversified and, at times, contains dubious and unfounded elements. Many feel that the incoherence of the conglomeration of emerging ideas can jeopardize scientific thinking and popularize philosophical thought in manners counter effective to the sound investigation of reality. Yet, this surge of ideas represents a global crisis of perception that serves to reshape ingrained patterns of thinking, thus paving the way for new, more coherent and more comprehensive, world-views.
Along these lines, a set of philosophical standpoints have emerged that help reshape our philosophical perspective into an holistic world-view. Prominent among these are the ontological implications of General Systems Theory and, its ally, Chaos Theory (e.g.: Prigogine & Stengers 1984; Gleick 1987). Systems theory was originally founded in mathematical theory and computational science with the notion of "system" indicating sets and their elements, relations between the set's elements, subsystems with input-output and feedback relations etc. The application of these conceptual tools to natural and other real-world phenomena, by certain scholars, introduced further evolutionary concepts -- such as system-environment boundary, process, differentiation, state or mode, hierarchy, goal-directedness, information and energy flow. This yielded in philosophical implications about how reality, as a whole, could be understood through sound theory. These theoretic constructs are today used increasingly in the conceptualization and understanding of both natural and human reality. Such notions we generally identify here as systems theoretic. Our purpose here is not to prove that General Systems Theory is a coherent and scientifically plausible construct -- that is the task of general systems theorists as well as logicians and mathematicians; in other words, systems theory is not an hypothesis we seek to prove. Rather, it is a postulate we find relevant to the philosophy of science (including the science of education) -- a credible point of departure that addresses the epistemological nature of reality per se, providing thus elements of basic world-view.
General Systems Theory was first advanced in the 1940s by biologist Ludwig von Bertalanffy (1901-1972). His extensive works in this field (e.g.: Bertalanffy 1950; 1960; 1967; 1969; 1988 [1968]), while readily inviting a technology-oriented response (e.g.: Ashby 1956), quickly caught the attention of progressive minds amongst futures-oriented social and human theorists (e.g.: Laszlo 1972; 1987; 1996a; 1996b; Capra 1983; 1985; 1996), and became a notable trend within the futurist community, remaining so until today. Bertalanffy's initiative can be seen as a reaction against reductionism, in pursuance of some level of unity in science, of holism.
Systems theory, rather than reducing a given entity to the qualities of its constituent elements, shifts the focus to the relationships of the elements and, more importantly, to their connection with the whole of which they are parts. That whole, on the other hand, is considered greater than the sum of those elements. In systems theory, therefore, the whole (the system) is regarded to have unique qualities of its own, beyond the qualities of the ingredient parts. The essential unifying effect of General Systems Theory is that the same conceptual ideas and principles underline very different domains of reality and, hence, different fields of study and disciplines (physics, biology, technology, sociology, education etc.). In the words of Bertalanffy (1988 [1968], p. 32): "... there exist models, principles, and laws that apply to generalized systems or their subclasses, irrespective of their particular kind, the nature of their component elements, and the relations or 'forces' between them. It seems legitimate to ask for a theory ... of universal principle applying to systems in general. ... we postulate a new discipline called General Systems Theory. Its subject matter is the formulation and derivation of those principles which are valid for 'systems' in general." Also, systems theory considers all systems to be open, which means that, in the last analysis, all systems are but subsystems of one vast System we call reality or creation -- or, as Prigogine & Stengers (1984, p. 59) put it, "the only true dynamic system is the universe as a whole".
The representation and articulation of systems theory in various fields is diverse and, on the level of application, seems to form no overall platform. In a certain sense, it is in the opposite state than the human sciences: it has a firm philosophical foundation, with accepted and articulate ontological universals, but its implementation and uses vary greatly, from field to field and from context to context. Its areas of application are as diverse as can be, including mathematical modelling, information theory, communications technology, futures forecasting, strategic planning, ecology, management, family psychotherapy, organizational development, theory of history, global problems, world order, developmental strategies, chaotic systems management, computer modelling, artificial intelligence, neural networks etc. (See: Klir 1992.)