This is an unusual and awkward situation for a researcher. I am in a position that the existing points of departure cannot, directly, facilitate an empirical research because I am not studying the validity of hypotheses that address some particular aspect of education but education per se, the meta-theory of the entire field of science. How to study a meta-theory?
4.1.1. The Problem of Scope and Manageability
If the idea is to speculate with the possible implications of a systems theoretically based science of education, we must devise some form of a setup to play with this idea -- to give such a paradigm a 'test run', in a manner of speaking. Thus, we are facing the situation where we want to do some empirical work (the 'test run') with highly ontological issues (a systems theoretically based science of education). While in principle this is possible, to do proper empirical research on such a topic would be an impossible task for a single dissertation. Indeed, the only empirical evidence that I can think of for the validity of such hypotheses would be the test of time -- that they would, as the accepted foundation of educational science and as used by the generality of the scholarly community, prove to be coherent and consistent and productive over a long period of time.
However, I have claimed that the natural scientific epistemological approach is applicable to the science of education and that General Systems Theory is relevant to such an approach: it would be reasonable to try out this idea in some tangible manner -- to give an example of a meaningful research setup based on the proposed points of departure. It may be claimed that even this venture is too vast and out of the scope of a single dissertation. Be that as it may, I feel responsible to provide some tangible experience of what I am proposing.
I, certainly, do not claim to be conducting proper research on the basis of the proposed meta-postulate, only a 'test run'. Moreover, I am quite aware of the internal inadequacies that the limitations of time and resources will inevitably impose on any empirical study that my possibilities will allow. Given the tentative nature of the empirical portion, however, and the fact that it is intended to provide a preliminary experience of what is meant, these inadequacies must be allowed and do not constitute a critical defect of the whole study. Indeed, I challenge others and myself to conduct, later on, real empirical research on the basis of the proposed suppositions, with properly constituted designs, methods, and resources.
The hypotheses of this research, put forth in Section 3.4., are justifiably very abstract and very comprehensive. Empirical research on such hypotheses is either impossible or out of the scope of this study. Moreover, I hold no presumptuous claim for my hypotheses to be the conclusive meta-theoretic foundation for the science of education -- merely a first attempt, an opening of discourse on the topic.
We are, thus, left with the dilemma of finding some empirical data to test tentatively the functionality of the proposed hypotheses, i.e. to study their usefulness as theoretical tools. The main problem is that of scope and manageability. Given the breadth of these hypotheses, the various types of research and study that could potentially emerge from the proposed meta-theoretical foundation are certainly beyond the limits of one person's imagination. We need to find a research scheme that, on the one hand, would relate directly to the hypotheses and, on the other, would be manageable in scope so as to fit within the scope of this research.
4.3.2. Method of Data Acquisition: Atypical Group Interview
The descriptive features developed in the previous main section must be the point of departure for our data acquisition. Those features are, for the most part, rather abstract and still difficult to be studied empirically. It is important to note here that, normally, "empirical" would mean observable real-world facts (some sort of 'hard evidence'). To be truly empirically studied, our recursive research would demand a thorough and systematic investigation of historical and current facts through a vast variety of data sources -- including scientific reviews of the present and history, relevant documents throughout the period under survey, interviews and questionnaires with key-persons and experts, on-spot observations and ethnographic survey of existing social relationships, scrutiny of abrupt events and changes in the target society during the period under study etc. Such a thorough study would probably produce direct empirical data.
If the recursive hypotheses were our de facto topic of research, such an arduous task of data acquisition would be justified. But that is obviously completely out of scale in our context and, as stated earlier, it would require a decade-long research project with a fully supported research team. We are again in for some practical compromises! To examine the descriptive features outlined earlier, we will be satisfied with indirect empirical data. This means that we have to rely on the empirical experience and knowledge of others. In fact, we are making a very drastic compromise here: for the purposes of this research (which is a theoretical test), we will content ourselves with group interviews as the only systematic source of data.
The data input on the educational paradigm should be obtained from those who were well involved in the systematic educational work of two generations (some forty or fifty years) ago: teachers, education administrators, education designers, educational scholars etc. In this group, veteran teachers or administrators are, of course, in key-position because their experience represents the de facto educational paradigm, the one that was actualized in real-life situations. On the other hand, educational designers or scholars are also important to draw a picture of what was thought to be the educational paradigm; such designers or scholars may well be younger people with research knowledge of the past.
As to the data on the condition of society, the source persons need to be as representative of the present-day society as possible: ordinary citizens (working people, unemployed people, younger people, older people etc.), on the one hand, and a few specialists with keen socio-political insight (media representatives, political analysts, sociologists etc.), on the other. It is important, however, that specialists vs. 'ordinary citizens' remain both represented in a good balance so that both experience on systematic social thought and experience on mundane social reality is included. Moreover, since 'non-experts' may feel uneasy in speaking out in front of 'experts', the latter should remain in a minority. It is also important that the main age representation is that of the largest demographic groups (not too young, not too old) with relevant experience of modern society.
These group interviews for data acquisition are, however, atypical in that they seek to obtain the consensus opinion of the entire group, instead of the opinion of each participant individually. Thus, the data will be acquired by engaging in open discussion and going on until there is at least some consensus among the members of the group. The discussions are recorded and the actual answers to the indicator questions are filtered from this data. It must be noted, that by "filtering" is not meant an intangible interpretation of everything that has been said; rather, the consensus is consciously sought on a rather articulate level already during the interview itself. Moreover, when a question is posed to the group, the first comment or answer acts as a catalyst for a brief discussion of the question; if the generality of the interviewees seem to agree with the outcome, the next question is posed; otherwise, alternative answers are sought with a new round. In the case of the interviewees clearly disagreeing on a point, the reasons for this disagreement must be discussed (the exposure of such reasons can, in itself, reveal valuable information relevant to the research).
The interviews are to provide sufficient data on the descriptive features. Given the abstract nature of many of these features, a series of further clarifying and more tangible questions are needed that can be posed to the interviewees. These indicator questions are formulated so that they will serve as pointers for identifying the relevant data on descriptive features. The indicator questions are outlined in Appendix 1 (Index of Descriptive Indicator Questions). Each of these questions can be used to indicate a view of the descriptive features, and each question can be relevant for more than one of those features. Moreover, the questions are designed to provide sufficient redundance: each descriptive feature is indicated by several indicator question from different points of view that overlap each other. This, too, is apparent in the list of questions presented under each of the descriptive features.
The actual interview questions, to be posed to the group of interviewees, are derived directly from these indicator questions. Some of the interview questions are, more or less, identical with the indicator questions, while others are put in more practical terms to facilitate smooth discussion. Thus, each interview is made up of several topics. Each interview topic begins with a lead question, which is posed as an introduction to the topic, and of further clarifying questions to help the interviewees to delve further into that topic. Appendix 2 (Index of Group Interview Questions) outlines these questions and describes the systematic method by which they are presented to the group of interviewees.
4.3.3. Fieldwork: Interview Situations and the Interviewees
The recursive research scheme indicates a need for four interviews: two for each of the countries, Finland and Russia -- one interview for scanning the educational paradigm of some two generations ago, and the other for observing the condition of the society today. Below is a description of the preparation, participants and circumstances of each of these four interviews. The names of the interviewees will not be mentioned here, but their backgrounds and other information relevant to this context will be provided. In addition, in accordance with the research plan, each group of interviewees included an educational scholar or a specialist (such as education researchers or designers, media representatives or political analysts) who have, presumably, more objective research knowledge of, and socio-political insight on, the matters discussed.
It must also be borne in mind that I had limited opportunities and possibilities at my disposal for gathering such groups of people for interview. I believe, however, that the outcome is satisfactory and that all the four groups are quite representative samples of the demographics sought in this research. Moreover, although the scope of the data gathered is rather narrow, it is broad enough that the consistencies found would not to be accounted for as 'accidental' patterns. These criteria constitute sufficient grounds for the purposes of this research.
In all four interviews, the questions were posed to the interviewees with the emphasis that, in addition to expressing what they themselves think, they should also say what they think is the public understanding or general situation concerning the presented issue. This was important in order to keep the minds of the interviewees focussed on society at large and not only on the interview situation, because in such group contexts there is sometimes the tendency to form a kind of 'temporary group identity' which tends to incline the views to one direction or the other. Moreover, the interviewees on educational paradigm had, occasionally, to be reminded that the period of time in question dates back some two generations -- this in order to keep the time perspective focussed on, more or less, one and the same period of history (i.e. some two generations ago).
One more factor is that, due to my unfortunate lack of knowledge of the Russian language, the interviews in Russia had to be translated into English. This was done so that the interviewees spoke freely among each other in Russian while the interpreter translated everything simultaneously for me. On the interview tapes, the voice of the interpreter is more audible but also the actual discussion in Russian can be heard in the background so that the correspondence of the original and the translation can be ascertained.
Interviews in Finland
Initially my intention was to conduct both Finnish interviews in the city of Rovaniemi where I reside. After some thought and investigation, it became obvious, however, that due to the existing connections and acquaintances it was more expedient to hold the first interview (on the educational paradigm) in the city of Oulu where I went to school, while the second interview (on the condition of society) would be more practically conducted in Rovaniemi.
The topic of the first interview was the educational paradigm in Finland some two generations ago. The interview was held in the city of Oulu, at the City Library conference room on Monday, 22 May 2000. The interview lasted 3 hours and 15 minutes. The interviewees were: (1) a retired primary school teacher (female), (2) another retired primary school teacher (female), (3) a retired high school Swedish language teacher (female), (4) a retired high school Finnish language teacher (male), (5) a professor of education (female; the educational scholar).
Gathering this group was a result of weighing various possibilities. In the end it was found best to choose such people about whom there was some prior information, people whom I knew to some degree -- this in order to ensure that the group would include sufficient knowledge on the educational paradigm and practices of the 50s or 60s (two generations ago). Thus, I ended up with several of my former (now retired) primary school and high school teachers as well as one professional acquaintance. I had not seen many of these teachers for over ten years and some of them, too, had not seen each other for many years. This made the interview situation personally interesting but also caused it to be longer than anticipated. The interview was conducted in a familiar and 'chatty' manner. Often answers and views were presented through concrete examples and real life stories.
The topic of the second interview was the condition of society in Finland today. The interview was held in the city of Rovaniemi, at the City Library conference room on Thursday 25 May 2000. The interview lasted 2 hours and 40 minutes. The interviewees were: (1) a young student of education (female; (2) a lower middle-aged youth worker (female), (3) an upper middle-aged unemployed restaurant keeper (male), an elderly retired army officer (male), (5) a professor of sociology (male; the socio-political specialist).
The members of this group were my private or work acquaintances but most of them did not know each other in advance. It was quite hard to find a group that would be diverse enough to represent the 'general public' but, in the end, it was a good representation of today's social diversity in Finland. In the beginning of the interview, the participants were introduced to each other only by name, not by occupation or background -- this to prevent sentiments of social class and to create a feeling of equal spectators discussing modern life. The session lasted approximately as anticipated although the discussions went on in a calm and 'pondering' manner. Here too answers were often mingled with recounting real life experiences.
Interviews in Russia
I have years of experience of working with the Russians and doing projects in Russia. Yet, when it came to a private research like this, it began to seem logistically almost impossible to organize the interviews. Fortunately, I have friends in different parts of the country. Contacts with some very helpful friends finally opened an opportunity to do both Russian interviews in the same city and over two successive days. The interviews were conducted in the city of Ryazan some two hundred kilometres South-East of Moscow. An interesting curiosity is that these helpful friends, although living now in Ryazan, are ethnic Buryats and come originally from the Lake Baikal region in Southern Siberia (near the Mongolian border). Let it also be mentioned here that my wife and I, together with one of our sons, took this trip to Russia as an opportunity to meet many of our friends in various parts of the country.
The topic of the first interview in Ryazan was the condition of society in Russia today. The interview was held in the residence of two friends (who also helped with the logistics of the interview) on Monday, 26 June 2000. The interview lasted 2 hours and 5 minutes. The interviewees were: (1) a young student of computer science (female), (2) a young student of English language and a member of the Buryat ethnic group (female), (3) a lower middle-aged first aid medic (male), (4) an upper middle-aged librarian (female), (5) an upper middle-aged housewife (female), (6) a journalist (male; the socio-political specialist).
This group was collected by my friends in Russia, and thus, I had no prior acquaintance with most of the interviewees. Moreover, most of them did not know each other either. Based on my experience in Finland, I had provided my friends with particular instructions as how to collect a group that would be diverse enough to represent the 'general public'. The result was, in fact, a satisfactory mixture representative of diversity existing in modern Russia. Contrary to the respective interview in Finland, in the beginning of this interview, the participants were introduced to each other both by name and by occupation or background -- this due to the fact that, culturally, it was more plausible to have a more thorough introduction for creating a more informal atmosphere (in this respect the two countries seem to differ clearly). The session lasted approximately as anticipated and the discussions went on in a reflective and calm atmosphere. A noteworthy point is that the interpreter who was also a member of the Buryat ethnic group was partly an interviewee due to her experience of being a member of a minority nationality. Being rather a direct person, her expressed opinion (after the interview) was that the other interviewees were, at times, somewhat too 'idealistic' in their representation of matters -- probably in order to maintain a better image of their country.
The topic of the second interview in Ryazan was the educational paradigm in Russia some two generations ago. The interview was held in the Children's Library reading hall on Tuesday the 26 June 2000. The interview lasted 1 hours and 15 minutes. The interviewees were: (1) a senior university teacher of history (female), (2) a senior university teacher of French language (female), (3) a senior docent of technical sciences (male), (4) a senior academician of technical sciences (male), (5) a professor of science and technology (male; the educational scholar).
This group, too, was collected by my friends in Russia and I had no prior acquaintance with any of the interviewees. Most of them, however, did know each other, because they all worked at the University of Ryazan. Also, in this case, I had provided my friends with particular instructions as to composition of the group so that it would include sufficient knowledge of the educational paradigm and practices of the 50s or 60s (two generations ago). The result was somewhat too homogeneous: I would have hoped for a more diverse representation of the educational strata but, given the logistic limitations of the situation, the group included satisfactory knowledge and experience of the desired period. The session was much shorter than anticipated: because of certain logistic misinformation (ever to be expected in Russia), the timing of the meeting was not clear to the participants and there was certain hurry for some of them. This was compensated by the fact that they turned out to be efficient interviewees as well as the fact that the questions were presented in a more formal and accurate (i.e. academic) manner. An interesting and potentially important point is that one of the interviewees, the professor of science and technology who was also our educational scholar and had the highest academic rank in the group, required that nothing negative or degrading would be said about Communism. This was not the opinion of all participants but I did assure them that Communism was not at stake here and they all seemed to be content with the setup. Discussions were conducted in an atmosphere of confident but eager experience -- highly educated elderly Russian academics are eager and very competent in analysing socio-political as well as philosophical issues. The interpreter was again the same Buryat friend as in the first interview.
4.4.3. Examining the Recursive Hypotheses
Now that the four recursive research questions have been generally answered, let us see how the interpretation rules effect our assessment of the recursive hypotheses. The display of the results in the presentation below goes through each interpretation rule, restating the rule, applying it to the case of Finland and Russia respectively, and drawing the conclusions. The summary boxes under country cases indicate the following: the box on the left summarizes the earlier education paradigm and the box on the right summarizes the present condition of society; the conditions of society that are consistent with the educational paradigm are marked with [+], the ones that are discrepant are marked with [~]. After the boxes, general observations and remarks on the results are presented.
Applying rule r1a: Correlation of result on q1a and q1b
Rule r1a states: "Hypothesis h1a is true, if results on q1a and q1b correlate". In other words: "Earlier education based on unity in diversity is traceable in today's society (hypothesis h1a), if earlier educational efforts that aimed at specific features in the society and were focussed on the principle of unity in diversity (question q1a) correlate with some present traits in the society that manifest the principle of unity in diversity (question q1b)".
In the case of Finland:
r1a/fin/paradigm 1: Educational values and identity were derived from religious patriotism.
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~ Discrepant: Living is focussed on (individual) survival, individualism.
~ Discrepant: Values reflect pluralism while equality, tolerance and collective welfare are emphasized.
+ Consistent:: There is a tangible desire for a sense of purpose.
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r1a/fin/paradigm 2: Education emphasized such social values as collective responsibility and economic self-sufficiency.
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~ Discrepant: Suspicion, distance and separation are characteristic to life.
~ Discrepant: Living is focussed on (individual) survival, individualism.
+ Consistent: Values reflect pluralism while equality, tolerance and collective welfare are emphasized.
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r1a/fin/paradigm 3: Education sought to produce citizens for a society where social justice, egalitarianism and socio-cultural integration were the norm.
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~ Discrepant: Living is focussed on (individual) survival, individualism.
+ Consistent: Values reflect pluralism while equality, tolerance and collective welfare are emphasized.
+ Consistent: Human diversity is recognized and valued but it remains untapped as a social resource.
+ Consistent: There is a tangible desire for a sense of purpose.
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r1a/fin/paradigm 4: In practice, education promoted homogeneity, some degree of cultural insensitivity and also cultural stereotypes.
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~ Discrepant: Society is complex and atomistic.
~ Discrepant: Values reflect pluralism while equality, tolerance and collective welfare are emphasized.
+ Consistent: Human diversity is recognized and valued but it remains untapped as a social resource.
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In the case of Russia:
r1a/rus/paradigm 1: All formal education was squarely based on communism and was generally goal-oriented.
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~ Discrepant: Generally, values reflect increasing pluralism, diversity, heterogeneity and tolerance as well as a high degree of non-integration and lack of coherence.
~ Discrepant: There is virtually no collective commitment; a desire for belonging and a yearning for closeness are evident.
~ Discrepant: The futures prospect is marked with lack of perspective mixed with vague hopefulness.
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r1a/rus/paradigm 2: Everything was future-oriented; even preservation of past achievements took place with the future in mind.
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~ Discrepant: Focus on survival and independence as well as commitment to self are widespread.
~ Discrepant: The futures prospect is marked with lack of perspective mixed with vague hopefulness.
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r1a/rus/paradigm 3: Formal education was marked with a sense of achievement, pursuit of excellence and as scientific and artistic accomplishment.
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~ Discrepant: There is virtually no collective commitment; a desire for belonging and a yearning for closeness are evident.
~ Discrepant: Focus on survival and independence as well as commitment to self are widespread.
~ Discrepant: The futures prospect is marked with lack of perspective mixed with vague hopefulness.
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r1a/rus/paradigm 4: In practice, education also promoted collectivism and collective integration, progress in a monocultural setting and cultural assimilation.
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~ Discrepant: Generally, values reflect increasing pluralism, diversity, heterogeneity and tolerance as well as a high degree of non-integration and lack of coherence.
~ Discrepant: There is virtually no collective commitment; a desire for belonging and a yearning for closeness are evident.
+ Consistent: The desire for justice and just society is evident, but the system is insensitive.
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The results seem inconclusive. The results for Finland are unclear, and the results for Russia are highly discrepant. While the Finnish society was very homogenous and the Russian society heterogeneous, both societies educated their citizens towards homogeneity. In Finland, it was a practical necessity (simply, to survive the post-war needs) while in Russia it was a doctrinal demand (diversity was recognized only in external matters, such as products of culture). This indicates, in both countries, a state of affairs contradictory to the principle of unity in diversity. In Finland, little was done consciously to accommodate the small amount of diversity that the society already held, and even less was done through the educational paradigm; in Russia, a lot was done to exhibit external manifestations of diversity with a simultaneous and deliberate dilution and neglect of fundamental diversities (e.g. cultural mentality, world-view etc.).
In fact, the only earlier educational paradigm that seems consistent with present-day condition of society was one from Finland (r1a/fin/paradigm 3): "Education sought to produce citizens for a society where social justice, egalitarianism and socio-cultural integration were the norm." Incidentally, this is also the only paradigm that unequivocally supports the principle of unity in diversity; all the others emphasize, either unity through uniformity, or diversity through incoherence. This paradigm is found consistent with the following conditions of the present-day Finnish society: (a) "values reflect pluralism while equality, tolerance and collective welfare are emphasized"; (b) "human diversity is recognized and valued but it remains untapped as a social resource"; (c) "there is a tangible desire for a sense of purpose".
It can, therefore, be concluded that we have found one case of "earlier educational efforts that aimed at specific features in the society and were focussed on the principle of unity in diversity" (question q1a) and that this case does correlate with "some present traits in the society that manifest the principle of unity in diversity" (question q1b). Ergo, rule r1a holds and hypothesis h1a is true: "Earlier education based on unity in diversity is traceable in today's society". In fact, the rule holds also in another way: the efforts that were aimed at homogeneity did not survive and resulted only in a pluralistic social paradigm with little coherence.
Applying rule r1: Verification of hypothesis h1
Rule r1 states: "Hypothesis h1 is true, if hypothesis h1a is true (r1a)". In other words: "Educational success based on the principle of unity in diversity is stable and sustainable (hypothesis h1), if earlier education based on the principle of unity in diversity is traceable in today's society (hypothesis h1a), i.e. rule r1a holds".
We just concluded that hypothesis h1a is true. Ergo, rule r1 holds and hypothesis h1 is true: "Educational success based on the principle of unity in diversity is stable and sustainable".
Applying rule r0a: Correlation of result on q0a and q0b
Rule r0a states: "Hypothesis h0a is true, if results on q0a and q0b correlate". In other words: "Educational paradigms chosen earlier have an historically strategic effect today (hypothesis h0a), if earlier educational paradigms (question q0a) correlate with the present condition of society (question q0b)".
In the case of Finland:
r0a/fin/paradigm 1: Educational values were derived from religious patriotism and tradition and cautious optimism.
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~ Discrepant: Uncertainty and suspicion, distance and separation are characteristic to life.
~ Discrepant: Values reflect pluralism while equality, tolerance and collective welfare are emphasized.
+ Consistent: There is a tangible desire for a sense of purpose, and the value of inclusive leadership is recognized, while leadership remains atomistic and non-visionary.
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r0a/fin/paradigm 2: Education sought to promote realism, survival and security; preservation, not reform, was the focus.
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+ Consistent: Uncertainty and suspicion, distance and separation are characteristic to life.
+ Consistent: Living is focussed on one's immediate future, (individual) survival, individualism.
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r0a/fin/paradigm 3: Education stressed collective responsibility and economic self-sufficiency gained through hard work.
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~ Discrepant: Uncertainty and suspicion, distance and separation are characteristic to life.
+ Consistent: Living is focussed on one's immediate future, (individual) survival, individualism.
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r0a/fin/paradigm 4: Education aimed at social justice, egalitarianism and socio-cultural integration; in practice, education promoted homogeneity, some degree of cultural insensitivity and also cultural stereotypes; education was authoritarian.
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+ Consistent: Society and life are complex and atomistic, causing ambiguity and vagueness.
+ Consistent: Uncertainty and suspicion, distance and separation are characteristic to life.
+ Consistent: Values reflect pluralism while equality, tolerance and collective welfare are emphasized
+ Consistent: Human diversity is recognized and valued but it remains untapped as a social resource.
+ Consistent: There is a tangible desire for a sense of purpose, and the value of inclusive leadership is recognized, while leadership remains atomistic and non-visionary.
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r0a/fin/paradigm 5: Educational contents emphasised languages and aimed at the matriculation examination; methods were marked with scarcity and lack of materials.
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+ Consistent: Living is focussed on one's immediate future, (individual) survival, individualism.
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In the case of Russia:
r0a/rus/paradigm 1: All formal education was squarely based on communism with a general sense of optimism and goal-orientation.
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~ Discrepant: Generally, values reflect increasing pluralism, diversity, heterogeneity and tolerance as well as a high degree of non-integration and lack of coherence.
~ Discrepant: There is virtually no collective commitment; a desire for belonging and a yearning for closeness are evident in people's daily lives.
~ Discrepant: The futures prospect is marked with ongoing change, lack of perspective and a feeling of helplessness mixed with vague hopefulness.
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r0a/rus/paradigm 2: Education was seen as the primary change agent for building the future.
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~ Discrepant: Practically, people focus their lives on survival and independence; commitment to self is widespread.
~ Discrepant: The futures prospect is marked with ongoing change, lack of perspective and a feeling of helplessness mixed with vague hopefulness.
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r0a/rus/paradigm 3: Everything was future-oriented: education was focussed on and aimed towards the future; even preservation of past achievements took place with the future in mind.
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~ Discrepant: Practically, people focus their lives on survival and independence; commitment to self is widespread.
~ Discrepant: The futures prospect is marked with ongoing change, lack of perspective and a feeling of helplessness mixed with vague hopefulness.
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r0a/rus/paradigm 4: Formal education was marked with a sense of achievement, pursuit of excellence and as scientific and artistic accomplishment, including a definite merit system.
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~ Discrepant: Practically, people focus their lives on survival and independence; commitment to self is widespread.
~ Discrepant: The futures prospect is marked with ongoing change, lack of perspective and a feeling of helplessness mixed with vague hopefulness.
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r0a/rus/paradigm 5: In practice, education also promoted collectivism and collective integration, progress in a monocultural setting and cultural assimilation.
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~ Discrepant: Generally, values reflect increasing pluralism, diversity, heterogeneity and tolerance as well as a high degree of non-integration and lack of coherence.
~ Discrepant: There is virtually no collective commitment; a desire for belonging and a yearning for closeness are evident in people's daily lives.
+ Consistent: The desire for justice and just society is evident.
+ Consistent: Authority and leadership are problematic and the system is insensitive.
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Again, the results appear inconclusive -- mildly consistent in Finland and highly discrepant in Russia. In the case of Finland, several of the earlier educational paradigms seem fully consistent with the present-day condition of society. In the case of Russia, almost all paradigms were fully discrepant in relation to the present-day reality.
Earlier education in Finland (r0a/fin/paradigm 2) "... sought to promote realism, survival and security", and "preservation, not reform, was the focus". This is consistent with the situation today, where "uncertainty and suspicion, distance and separation are characteristic to life", and where "living is focussed on one's immediate future, ... survival". Moreover, education in Finland aimed at (r0a/fin/paradigm 4) "... social justice, egalitarianism and socio-cultural integration", and in practice, it "promoted homogeneity, some degree of cultural insensitivity and also cultural stereotypes". Today, several conditions of today's society are consistent with this, in that (a) "society and life are complex and atomistic, causing ambiguity and vagueness", and "values reflect pluralism while equality, tolerance and collective welfare are emphasized", and moreover, "human diversity is recognized and valued but it remains untapped as a social resource".
Examples of Soviet education include the paradigm that (r0a/rus/paradigm 1) "all formal education was squarely based on communism with a general sense of optimism and goal-orientation". Yet, in today's Russia "values reflect increasing pluralism, diversity, heterogeneity and tolerance as well as a high degree of non-integration and lack of coherence", and also "there is virtually no collective commitment", while "a desire for belonging and a yearning for closeness are evident in people's daily lives"; moreover, "the futures prospect is marked with ... lack of perspective and a feeling of helplessness". Also, earlier, education in Russia was (r0a/rus/paradigm 4): "... marked with a sense of achievement, pursuit of excellence and as scientific and artistic accomplishment". Today, however, people in Russia "focus their lives on survival and independence", "commitment to self is widespread".
It can, therefore, be concluded that "earlier educational paradigms" (question q0b) correlate with "the present condition of society" (question q0b) in a very peculiar manner: the present conditions of society are either directly aligned with earlier educational paradigms or they are diametrically opposed to them. In other words, the educational paradigms of the past are never inconsequential to the future condition of society. Ergo, rule r0a holds (with some reservations) and hypothesis h0a is true: "Educational paradigms chosen earlier have an historically strategic effect today".
That phrase in the parentheses, "with some reservations", signifies the observation that the educational paradigm and the condition of society do not, necessarily "correlate" in the sense that the paradigms would be linearly manifested in the condition of society. Rather, they correlate in the sense that the adopted educational paradigms are never inconsequential, but the consequences can be adverse in relation to the nature of the paradigm. A good example of this is the Soviet collectivism (which took place without due respect for and tapping of diversity) appeared unsustainable and resulted in the contrary condition of confusion and incoherent heterogeneity. This is consistent with the reasoning presented in Section 2.3.6. This also relates back to principle of unity in diversity.
Of course, it must be noted that neither Finland nor Russia has evolved in socio-political and national isolation (consistently with postulates H3 and H4). External, supranational factors (global trends, international economy, world politics etc.) have dictated certain changes. For instance, pluralism, individualism, non-patriotism, impersonal democracy and egalitarianism are features that are similar to all Western democracies and are becoming a global norm, putting pressure to all countries and cultures.
Applying rule r0b: Verification of hypothesis h0a
Rule r0b states: "Hypothesis h0a is true, if hypothesis h1a is true (r1a) -- even when results on q0a and q0b do not otherwise generally correlate (r0a)". In other words: "Educational paradigms chosen earlier have an historically strategic effect today (hypothesis h0a), if earlier education based on the principle of unity in diversity is traceable in today's society (hypothesis h1a), i.e. rule r1a holds -- even when earlier educational paradigms (question q0a) do not otherwise generally correlate with the present condition of society (question q0b), i.e. rule r0a would not hold".
We just concluded, with some reservations, that results on q0a and q0b do correlate (r0) and that hypothesis h0a is true. Moreover, we have earlier already concluded that rule r1a holds and that, therefore, hypothesis h1a, is true. Ergo, rule r1 holds and, without reservations, hypothesis h0a is true: "Educational paradigms chosen earlier have an historically strategic effect today".
Applying rule r0: Verification of hypothesis h0
Rule r0 states: "Hypothesis h0 is true, if hypothesis h0a is true (r0a or r0b)". In other words: "Choice of educational paradigms is a strategic futures tool (hypothesis h0), if educational paradigms chosen earlier have an historical strategic effect today (hypothesis h0a), i.e. either rule r0a or rule r0b holds".
We have concluded, without reservations, that hypothesis h0a is true. Ergo, rule r0 holds and hypothesis h0 is true: "Choice of educational paradigms is a strategic futures tool".
SUMMARY OF THE VERIFICATION OF RECURSIVE HYPOTHESES
Rule r1a: "Earlier education based on unity in diversity is traceable in today's society (hypothesis h1a), if earlier educational efforts that aimed at specific features in the society and were focussed on the principle of unity in diversity (question q1a) correlate with some present traits in the society that manifest the principle of unity in diversity (question q1b)". There is only one case of earlier educational paradigms that is focussed on the principle of unity in diversity, and this case does correlate with present traits in the society somehow manifesting unity in diversity. Ergo, rule r1a holds and hypothesis h1a is true.
Rule r1: "Educational success based on the principle of unity in diversity is stable and sustainable (hypothesis h1), if earlier education based on the principle of unity in diversity is traceable in today's society (hypothesis h1a), i.e. rule r1a holds". Hypothesis h1a is true. Ergo, rule r1 holds and hypothesis h1 is true.
Rule r0a: "Educational paradigms chosen earlier have an historically strategic effect today (hypothesis h0a), if earlier educational paradigms (question q0a) correlate with the present condition of society (question q0b)". Present conditions of society are either directly aligned with earlier educational paradigms or they are diametrically opposed to them -- i.e. the educational paradigms of the past are never inconsequential to the future condition of society. Ergo, rule r0a holds and hypothesis h0a is true (with the reservation that, while adopted educational paradigms are never inconsequential, the consequences can be adverse in relation to the nature of the paradigm).
Rule r0b: "Educational paradigms chosen earlier have an historically strategic effect today (hypothesis h0a), if earlier education based on the principle of unity in diversity is traceable in today's society (hypothesis h1a), i.e. rule r1a holds -- even when earlier educational paradigms (question q0a) do not otherwise generally correlate with the present condition of society (question q0b), i.e. rule r0a would not hold". On the basis of rule r0a, hypothesis h0a is true with reservations; however, hypothesis h1a is true. Ergo, rule r1 holds and hypothesis h0a is true (without reservations).
Rule r0: "Choice of educational paradigms work is a strategic futures tool (hypothesis h0), if educational paradigms chosen earlier have an historical strategic effect today (hypothesis h0a), i.e. either rule r0a or rule r0b holds". Hypothesis h0a is true. Ergo, rule r0 holds and hypothesis h0 is true.
4.4.4. Recursive Theoretical Conclusions
Let it be borne in mind that this whole research scheme was meant to be a theoretical test, not the aim of our overall research, and it is sufficient to receive tentative empirical results to test the functionality of the research model. In general, the recursive research was an interesting theoretical exercise. The recursive hypotheses all dealt with the effect of the practised educational paradigm on the realized condition of society, with particular attention to the principle of unity in diversity in mind. The tentative empirical research indicates a valid basis for all the hypotheses (including an additional note in the case of hypotheses h0a):
h0. Choice of educational paradigms as a strategic futures tool: The future condition of a society will depend on the strategic choice of educational paradigms adopted within the present condition of that society.
h0a. Historically strategic effect of chosen educational paradigms: The present condition of the society depends on the strategic choice of the educational paradigms adopted within an earlier condition of the society. (N OTE: Adopted educational paradigms of the past are never inconsequential to the future condition of society, but the consequences can be adverse in relation to the nature of the paradigm.).
h1. Stability and sustainability of educational success based on unity in diversity: Educational efforts that aim at effecting the future of the society, and are somehow focussed on the principle of unity in diversity, emerge as successful and leave sustainable traits in the society.
h1a. Traceability of earlier education based on unity in diversity: Educational efforts that aim at creating or preserving certain features in the society, and are somehow focussed on the principle of unity in diversity, leave traits that can be detected within the present condition of the society.
The recursive research was also an interesting process of familiarization with two particular national systems of education. However, it must be remembered that the tentative results do not take into account the fact that neither of the two societies has evolved in socio-political and national isolation; the effects of globalization, for instance, have been consciously omitted from the scope of the recursive research.
Both the Finnish and the Russian educational systems were, earlier, marked with a remarkable aspiration towards homogeneity -- the former for reasons of survival, the latter for ideological reasons. Diversity was recognized (in the case of Russia, even encouraged) in external matters, such as cultural products and costumes; but in fundamental human issues, such as cultural mentality and lifestyle as well as personal character, both systems (whether knowingly or unknowingly) aimed generally at unity without due respect for diversity. Yet, both systems have ended up in a highly pluralistic society where there is little social coherence and where vast segments of society suffer from an acute need for a sense of purpose and communal support.
Therefore, it does appear that collectivism, egalitarianism etc. (unity) without respect for the challenge of diversity, and without tapping the human resources provided by diversity, is not sustainable. On the other hand, it seems that individualism, uniqueness etc. (diversity) without some synergy and a collective sense of purpose and direction, a genuine sense of community, is not sustainable either. Indeed, it could be concluded that (a) not working consciously towards the principle of unity in diversity is against the natural potential of human reality (both social and individual), and that (b) only those educational choices that are in accordance with the human potential will, in the long run, be sustainable and come to fruition.
On the basis of foregoing observations, and with reference to the postulates of the recursive research, we can advance certain recursive theorems. These will be the conclusions of the recursive research.
The observation that earlier educational paradigms are never inconsequential for the later condition of society -- and the implications of postulate H1 (that education is an ideal capacity of evolutionary systems to evolve through input that stimulates their development), postulate H2 (that evolutionary systems have a macrodeterministic potential manifested progressively) and postulate H8 (there are universal educational principles relevant to the realization of the potential of a given human system and its educational paradigm) -- would lend themselves to the following theorem: